The Canadian Federal Elections- An Analysis on the Underdog Candidates:

            Election day is fast approaching in Canada with the two frontrunners Prime Minister Mark Carney and Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre engaged in a tight race for the Prime Minister’s seat in Ottawa. Both candidates have made their respective cases as to why they should lead Canada and how they plan to navigate the country during a time of uncertainty. However, while the spotlight has been on the Liberal and Conservative leaders, there is a case to be made for candidates that could play an instrumental role in the direction of Canadian politics in the immediate aftermath of this election. This analysis will continue to focus on Canada’s choice and will analyse the Bloc Québécois leader Yves-François Blanchet as well as  New Democratic Party (NDP) leader Jagmeet Singh and their policies. To understand what some might consider the underdog candidates and their policies, this article will be organised in the following manner:

  • Yves-François Blanchet and Bloc Québécois
  • Jagmeet Singh and the NDP
  • Conclusion-What Role will they Play in the Aftermath of the Election?

Yves-François Blanchet and Bloc Québécois:

            Bloc Québécois leader Yves-François Blanchet is in a unique position of being the leader of a party that is solely fielding candidates in the Canadian province of Quebec. The primary purpose of Bloc Québécois, sovereignty for Quebec and “… to be a voice for Quebec in Ottawa” (Faguy, 2025). Blanchet has a proven track record of being an efficient politician who champions the cause of Quebec sovereignty and being a voice for Quebecers in the House of Commons. This is clear in Blanchet’s long history of being involved in provincial politics as well as helping the Bloc Québécois regain party status during the 2019 election under his leadership by winning 32 seats in parliament, which made the Bloc Québécois instrumental in helping the Trudeau government in the policymaking process (Van Dyk, 2025). Blanchet’s ability to work effectively with different federal parties while also championing the cause of a sovereign Quebec makes him a wild card in the election as another victory as the third majority party could put the Bloc in a position to form a coalition with the new government if need be. With that being said, the policy platform being ran by Blanchet and Bloc Québécois is presented as follows:

  • Counter tariffs against Trump and the diversification of trade
  • Federal government to transfer full control of immigration to Quebec
  • Transfer of all federal housing funds to Quebec in order to increase non-market housing by 20%
  • Quebec environmental policies should take precedence over federal policy
  • Doubling of the Goods and Sales Tax credit during times of inflation

(Woolf et.al, 2025)

            Blanchet and the Bloc Québécois’ policy platform shows how the party manages to take on issues relating to Canada while also prioritising the cause of Quebecer sovereignty. This is clear in the case of introducing counter measures to Trump’s tariffs, where the Bloc Québécois emphasised putting texts of free trade agreements to a parliamentary vote and also encouraged the federal government to trade with Quebec in industries such as forestry and aluminum, which have been hit hard by Trump’s tariffs (Boudjikanian, 2025). Blanchet’s approach to the Trump tariffs is best exemplified when he claims “We need to protect and stimulate sectors of our economy” as well as “The Quebec economy and, of course, the Canadian economy” (Feith, 2025). Through engaging in an anti-Trump policy that also keeps the goal of sovereignty in mind, Blanchet could maintain the Bloc Québécois position in the House of Commons as the third majority party and help the future government navigate economic and social uncertainty.

            While Blanchet and the Bloc Québécois have a policy platform that could benefit Quebecers and further the agenda of Quebec gaining sovereignty, it can be argued that this agenda has been maligned due to the “Trump factor” causing the Bloc Québécois to lose support. According to Genevieve Beauchemin of CTV News, “In the face of tariff and annexation threats from the White House, Quebecers’ Canadian pride has risen” (Beauchemin, 2025). This potential rise in Canadian pride in a province that has long held strong ties to French Canadian culture and identity may have a negative impact on Blanchet’s platform as voters in Quebec might vote for candidates focused on preserving Canadian sovereignty as opposed to Quebecer sovereignty. This is clear as “A recent Léger survey suggests that almost 40% of voters for the Bloc believe an independent Quebec would have less influence than Canada as a whole in dealing with the US” (Murphy, 2025). Moreover, another survey also indicated that 46% of Quebec’s voters desire a Liberal Party government, while Bloc Québécois follows with 25% (Murphy, 2025). These numbers show that although voters in Quebec would like to have sovereignty, they believe that national unity in the face of the American threat is a more pressing matter in this election. This shift could potentially see Bloc Québécois lose some influence in the House of Commons, however, the Bloc Québécois has always been viewed as a wildcard and there is no way of telling how Quebec will vote until after election day.

Jagmeet Singh and the NDP:

            Jagmeet Singh and the NDP face a consequential battle for the future of social democracy in Canada. It was not too long ago when the NDP under former leader Jack Layton managed to pull a massive upset during the 2011 election cycle by winning 103 seats in the House of Commons, which gave the NDP official opposition status (Clark, 2024). However, the 2015 election saw the NDP under Tom Mulcair drop to 44 seats, which some could say signified the beginning of the NDP troubles in Canadian politics. In 2017, Jagmeet Singh was chosen to be the NDP’s new leader, which eventually saw him win his by-election and become an MP for Burnaby in British Columbia running a platform focused social democratic reform (Halpert and Yousif, 2025). Although he won his seat in the House of Commons, the NDP suffered heavy losses, which saw them drop from having 44 seats to having 24 in the 2019 election. It can be argued that this election is consequential for Singh and the NDP as the NDP risks losing party status. With that being said, Singh and the NDP have relied on a progressive policy platform to court voters away from the Liberal and Conservative Parties. These policies include:

  • Strengthening public healthcare (Hiring more doctors, lowering the cost of dental and drugs, expanding mental health coverage, and protection from paying for healthcare)
  • Affordable housing (Introducing rent control, ending homelessness, and banning corporate landlords from purchasing social housing units and purpose-built rental apartments)
  • Green economy
  • Lowering taxes on working class while increasing taxes on billionaires
  • Protecting Canadian sovereignty from the Trump threat

(The New Democratic Party, 2025)

            It is clear that Singh’s policy platform has the potential to unburden working class Canadians and introduce social democratic reform. This is evident through his universal pharmacare plan which could see expanded coverage for diabetes medicine, birth control, and essential medicines (Globe Staff, 2025). Moreover, Singh’s housing plan aims to provide Canadians with affordable and rent controlled homes, which could be essential in eliminating homelessness. According to Singh and the NDP’s platform, the NDP plans on “…building three million affordable homes in the next five years by speeding up approvals and spending C$1bn for the construction of rent-controlled homes” (Yousif, 2025).

Furthermore, Singh and the NDP’s platform also has the potential to alleviate economic struggles of the Canadian people caused by inflation. This is clear as the Singh and the NDP plan on capping grocery prices which would make groceries more affordable while also increasing taxes on the wealthy which would force corporations and billionaires to contribute more to society (St. Denis, 2025). Moreover, Singh much like the other candidates, has also adopted a more anti-Trump stance, as he believes Trump’s tariffs and annexation threats can undermine Canadian sovereignty and stability. This is clear through the NDP’s plan to switch to a green economy as well as increase border security on the Canada-US border (St. Denis, 2025). Overall, these policies form an NDP platform that would work in the best interests of working class Canadians and could potentially create a more sustainable future for Canada.

Although these policies in theory should allow Singh and the NDP to have an edge over the other party leaders, the polls show that Singh and the NDP are in a struggle for political survival. According to a CBC poll, the NDP are currently polling under 12% of the vote and “that the NDP could lose roughly three-quarters of its 24 seats in the House of Commons. Singh’s own riding — and the party’s official status — are at risk” (Stackelberg and Thurton, 2025). It can be argued that the NDP’s drop can possibly be attributed to the shift in public opinion in favour of the Liberal Party due to their strong anti-Trump stance and their economy based platform. This is clear as David Baxter of the CBC claims that “That shift was triggered by former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s resignation and the election of Mark Carney to replace him as Liberal leader — coupled with U.S. President Donald Trump’s global trade war and rhetoric about annexing Canada” (Baxter, 2025). Moreover, the NDP’s drop in support can also be attributed to Singh’s alignment with an unpopular Trudeau Liberal government. This is clear through the NDP and Liberal Party’s supply-and-confidence agreement of 2022, which was criticised by NDP voters and outsiders and the NDP’s continued support for the Liberal government leading up to Trudeau’s resignation (Mason, 2025). Therefore, it can be argued that the NDP’s position in the election is volatile due to a lack of emphasis on Trump and the economy, and the NDP’s alignment with an unpopular Trudeau government.

Conclusion-What Role will they Play in the Aftermath of the Election?:

            At this point leading up to the election, the polls show that Blanchet and Bloc Québécois are in a more tenable position to help form government in the aftermath of the election. This can be attributed to a desire for Blanchet and Bloc Québécois to diversify and collaborate with the new government on issues relating to Trump and the Canadian economy. However, it can also be argued that due to a rise in Canadian pride in Quebec, some of Bloc Québécois seats are at risk of turning Liberal, as the threat of Trump towards Canadian sovereignty and economy could have a negative impact on Quebec’s economy and future desires for sovereignty.

            On the other hand, Singh and the NDP are in a dire situation regarding the future of their party. Once again, the NDP’s lack of focus on the “Trump factor” and Canada’s economic woes caused the party to lose some support in the days leading up to the election. Furthermore, the NDP’s alignment with the Liberal Party from 2022 until Trudeau’s resignation deeply damaged the NDP’s image, as the NDP’s association with an unpopular Trudeau government projected the idea that the NDP was compromising on numerous issues relating to their platform.

Overall, both Bloc Québécois and the NDP find themselves in precarious positions entering the April 28th election. The best chance for either of these parties to have a role in government would be a scenario where the Liberal Party does not form a majority government, which would allow both parties to be in a position. However, in the case of the NDP, their hope would be to maintain the seats they have, or risk losing their official party status and being completely phased out of government.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *